Politics and Culture

Fellow Americans,

At the beginning of this endeavor, I communicated three reasons we should engage Iraq.

The first reason we invaded Iraq was to eliminate the threat of Iraqi WMDs. It turns out that Saddam was farther away from his goal than we calculated, but we know that a Saddam Hussein unfettered by the U.N. and threatened by a nuclear Iran would have had a great motivation to restart its program. We can now be certain that Iraq poses no threat to the United States from WMDs.

The second reason we invaded Iraq was to bring Saddam Hussein to justice. That goal has been accomplished; Iraqis need not fear the man responsible for millions of Iraqi deaths. Although Iraq has a way to go before being a peaceful country, many Iraqis have hope for the future-something nonexistent four years ago. Iraqi transition to democracy has been difficult, but no other scenario for removing Saddam from power would have yielded a better outcome. An internal struggle would have resulted in even greater bloodshed with little guarantee that Saddam's replacement would have been any kind of improvement and virtually no prospect for democracy. Intervention from any of Iraq's neighbors would have led to a massive regional conflict and effect frightening strategic consequences.

The third reason we invaded Iraq was to offer an alternative to the people of the Middle East; a peaceful and more prosperous alternative for them as well as the United States and its allies. It's our hope that a democratic Iraq will inspire its neighbors to pursue freedom at home and become an ally of the United States in its struggle with Islamic radicalism and dictatorial tyranny.

The third reason has yet to be accomplished and is the purpose of this message to you today. In regards to Iraq, the United States has three policy options, one of which is unacceptable to me and most Americans and another one that I feel will actually prolong the conflict in comparison to the third.

The first option is to surrender Iraq either gradually or through diplomacy from a weakened position to groups and governments hostile to the United States. Such a move would not only guarantee a bloody future for the Iraqis, but would also erase the very real progress we've made in Iraq, increase the chances of a nuclear or biological Iraq, assure a point in the future where Americans will have to return, and disappoint the millions of people around the world who look to the United States as the champion of freedom and decency.

The Second option is to stay the course. This option provides us with a chance at success, but our strategy has not met my standards for effectiveness despite the effort and sacrifice of many talented and brave men and women.

The third option is to make a push to rout the terrorists and Jihadists that target not only American and allied soldiers but the innocent men, women, and children of Iraq. Through my consultations with Iraqi leaders and our military and diplomatic staffs, we believe an additional 20 to 30 thousand troops would allow peaceful Iraqis to reclaim the city of Baghdad. Such a move would embolden the good Iraqis and dispirit what constitutes the most evil assemblage of terrorists and bandits on Earth today. And not only them, but the world will stand up and notice that America keeps its promises and doesn't flinch from adversity. This plan offers Americans and the decent Iraqis that rely on her the best chance of winning and I ask you to support it.

Thank you and God bless America

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